methods

You will find three different examples of writing the methods section of your paper. You will also find written limitations. The first method was written by Hans & Pitts, (2002), the second by Darcy Douglass (1999), and the third was written by Mike Bowman(1999).

Han, S. & Pitts, M.J. (2002) . Prime time dramatic programming in South Korea:

The population for study included all prime time weekday dramas. In South Korea, the overwhelming majority of its dramatic programming is televised on three commercial stations, KBS (Korean Broadcasting System), KBS2, and MBC (Munhwa Broadcasting Company) aimed at reaching the national audience.

The dramatic prime-time network programming Apopulation@ of South Korean origin consisted of the following shows: Life with Empty Hand (KBS2), Revenge (KBS1), Love (MBC), Sand Watch (MBC), Because of Love (KBS1), Tear of Dragon (KBS1), You and Me (MBC), When You Call Me (KBS2), Six Brothers & Sisters (MBC), My Lady (KBS2), Wedding Dress (KBS2), Beautiful Sin (MBC).

Ten programs from the total population were examined. These ten were randomly selected. They were: - Life with Empty Hand (KBS2), Revenge (KBS1), Love (MBC), Sand Watch (MBC), Because of Love (KBS1), Tear of Dragon (KBS1), You and Me (MBC), When You Call Me (KBS2), Six Brothers & Sisters (MBC), Wedding Dress (KBS2), Beautiful Sin (MBC). Two episodes from each of these programs were then randomly selected using a random table. Thus a total of 20 episodes were selected for content analysis. This content analysis closely follows the methodology used by Wilson et al (1996, 1997). Operational definitions were needed to provide the reader with an understanding of how the study was conducted. This study used Wilson et al=s (1996 & 1997) definition of television violence as previously stated.

The basic unit of analysis was the Ascene.@ Wilson and her colleagues (1996) used this definition, AA violent scene is defined as a related series of violent behaviors, actions or depictions of harmful consequences of violence that occur without a significant break in the flow of actual or imminent violence@ (p. 57).

A violent scene began whenever any action that meets the definition of violence was observed, and a scene ended whenever a significant break occurred within the scene. A significant break occurred when the imminent threat of violence no longer exists, or when there was an interruption in the time, place, or setting that would reflect what is often referred to as a scene change, or a cut to a new scene. When this occurred, scene shifts, or Acut-aways@= that continue for a period of 30 seconds or more was necessary for it to be considered a significant break. If a violent scene was divided by a commercial break, the continuing scene following the commercial was considered as a new violent scene.

There were three primary types of violent depictions: 1) credible threats,

2) behavioral acts and 3) harmful consequences. First, a credible threat was defined as an overt behavior which threatens the use of violence (Wilson et al., 1996). This behavior may be verbal or have verbal manifestations.

Second, a behavioral act was defined as an overt action using violent physical force against another. A behavioral act may employ weapons, ordinary objects, or the perpetrator=s natural means (Wilson et al., 1996). Recurrent examples of acts involving weapons included scenes depicting stabbings, shootings and/or the use of explosives. Ordinary objects from normal day-to-day life that could be used in the commission of violent acts included beer bottles, chairs, or lead pipes. The common characteristic was that they were not intended to be used as a weapon, and they were not normally associated with violence. Punches, kicks and biting are examples of acts in which Anatural@ elements, parts of the body itself, become weapons.

Third, harmful consequences were depictions of the victims of violence when the violence was clearly implied but not portrayed overtly as it occurs. Harmful consequences count as violence only when the behavioral act was implied and never shown (Wilson et al., 1996). An example of this type of violence occurs when police officers arrive on the scene to find a murder victim lying in a pool of blood. Depictions of harmful consequences were coded only when a scene in a program did not include any portion of the violent act itself. Instead it showed only its physical aftermath.

The ethnicity of the perpetrators and recipient of violence was also coded. Even South Korean actors/actresses were coded as Asian in South Korean programming. The moral status of characters were coded as good, neutral and bad status. Characters coded as Agood@ moral status referred to people who abide by the law, and had at least a legal right to commit an act of violence. ABad@ moral status referred to people who were not supported by the law, used violence illegally or for illegal purposes. ANeutral@ moral status meant that there was not sufficient information to designate the character as good or bad.

The following demographic information contained in violent scenes were also coded: title of the program, month, date, day of week, time of day, network, country, and genre under consideration.

Research Question I dealt with the types of violence that were depicted on television in South Korea. To answer this question, the following categories were devised. ALength of violent scene@: How long do these violent scenes remain on the air?; AForms of violence@: What kind of violent scenes are shown on television? Are they behavioral acts, credible threats or harmful consequences?; AOccurrence of violent act@: Are these premeditated or are they acts of passion? An act of passion occurred when the violence in a scene was depicted as a spontaneous happening. The initiator of the violent act did not take, or have, think about his/her act of violence and its possible consequences. On the other hand, a premeditated act of violence was a planned, calculated act Bthe deliberate murder, for example, of a human being by another person who knew him/her. AReason for initiating violence@: Why people act violently? Was it to protect himself/herself or society? Was it for the initiators personal interest?; APattern of Attack@: What is the manner in which the initiator of violence performed the act? Is the attack Anormal@ or is it an ambush? Or, is violence used only as mean of threat?; APattern of violence@: How many people are involved in the act? Is it one versus one, or are there groups involved in the commission of the violent act?; AGender of violence@: Which gender was involved in violent act?; AType of violence@: What was the moral status of the initiator and the victims? AGood@ versus Agood@? Or is the conflict Agood@ versus Abad@?; ABlood of violence@: Was the violence portrayed realistically or was it portrayed as bloodless?

Research Question II dealt with the Atools@ of violence in South Korean prime-time network dramatic programming in 1998. To answer RQ 2, the following categories were devised. ATool of violence initiators@: With regard to the tools used by initiators of violence, it became necessary to determine whether or not guns, for example, were more often used by initiators of violence in these programs. Or were just as many acts of violence committed with knives? Does this programming focus on the use of bombs to create mayhem?; ATools of violence victims@: A tools in violence was coded for the victim if the victim also used violence in retaliation against aggressors. Do they resort to guns as well?

Research Question III dealt with how individuals and groups within South Korea are portrayed as the initiators of violence in prime-time network dramatic programming in 1998. To answer RQ 3, the following categories were devised. AGender of violence initiators@: Whether or not more violence was initiated by males than females; ARace of violence initiator@: Which racial group was portrayed as committing the most violent acts? Are Blacks, for example, more often depicted as initiators of violent acts than individuals comprising other racial groups?; AMoral status of initiator@: How many violent acts were committed by good characters or bad characters?; ALegal rights of initiators@: Are initiators of violence within the parameters of the law when they initiate violent acts?

Then, Research Question IV dealt with what groups and individuals within South Korea were portrayed as the victims of violence in prime-time network dramatic programming in 1998. Gender, race, and moral status were addressed in the same manner as research question three. AResponse of victims@: What were the victims= responses to violence? Did they resort to violence in retaliation? Or were they just helpless before violence?; AForm of counter attack@: If indeed victims did resort to violence, what type of violence was the method of counter attack? Credible threat or behavioral act?

Because of the social learning theory, this study focused on the resolution of violent acts in the dramatic prime-time network programming of South Korea. Research Question V examined the consequences of violence in the prime-time network dramatic programming in South Korea. In regard to RQ 5, the following categories were devised. The following issues were coded. ADamage to initiators and victims@: How seriously were they wounded? Were they dead?; AResult of initiators and victims@: What were the results of violent acts for both initiators and victims? Were initiators arrested? How many people Apay@ in some way for the violence that has been initiated.

Descriptive statistics, and chi-square were used to test the research questions. The alpha level P<0.05 was required for statistical significance.

The findings of this study were limited by several factors. First, only one coder was used in this study. Therefore, no coder reliability was established. Reliability of the instrument was 0.94 in the Wilson et al. study (1996, 1997) which was a model for this study. Lack of funding, can best explain the use of one coder. In addition, this study was exploratory in nature. South Korean programming was an untouched area of study until this time. In addition, transforming Korean programming into English for the purpose of coding may have produced changes in the coding results.

Secondly, it is possible the peripheral stations found in South Korea should also be used to draw a sample of programs. The programs not used in the sample leave us with a measure of non-sampling bias.

A survey concerning opinions toward female sports journalists was conducted during the fall of 1999. The convenient sample was drawn from five undergraduate communication courses at Arkansas State University in Jonesboro, Arkansas. Ninety-four students participated in the study. The survey was distributed during class following a brief explanation of the study. It was also explained to the respondents that their answers would remain anonymous and their participation was voluntary.

The survey consisted of 15 questions and three demographic determinants (sex, race, and age of respondent). Respondents were also given a space to make comments if they desired. The questions dealt with female sports journalists in various manners (See Appendix A). Question topics included the perceived knowledge of female sports journalists, the treatment of female sports journalists, coverage of women's sports, writing/reporting styles, locker room access, and gender preference for sports coverage. The respondents answered the questions based on a likert scale of responses ranging from "Strongly Agree" to "Strongly Disagree."

Research question one (What opinions do males and females have concerning the knowledge/ability of female sports journalists to do their job?) was examined using two statements about the knowledge and ability of female sports journalists and one statement about women in general. Those statements are, "Most female sports journalists know less about sports than male sports journalists", "Women, in general, know less about sports than males do", and "I expect more errors from women sports journalists than male sports journalists."

Research question two (What views do males and females have concerning the equal treatment of female sports journalists?) was examined using three statements dealing with equal opportunity, criticism, and sexist language. Those statements are, "There is equal opportunity in the workplace for women sports journalists", "Female sports journalists face more criticism than male sports journalists", and "It is o.k. that some women face sexist language while working as a sports journalists."

Research question three (Do more females than males agree that if there were more women in the field of sports journalism, the coverage of women's sporting events would increase?) was analyzed using the statement, "If there were more females in the field of sports journalism, the coverage of women's sporting events would increase."

Research question four (How do males and females view the writing/reporting styles of female sports journalists compared to male sports journalists?) was examined using two statements: "The writing/reporting styles of female sports journalists differ from that of the male sports journalists" and "Female sports journalists report more about the human aspect of sports (personality and emotion), whereas males report specifically on the game statistics, scores, etc."

Research question five (What opinions do males and females have concerning sports journalists having access to the locker room of the opposite sex?) was analyzed using the following statements: "Women sports reporters should have access to male locker rooms to cover sporting events" and "Male sports reporters should have access to female locker rooms to cover sporting events."

Research question six (What views do males and females have concerning the gender preference of who reports their sports news?) was examined using the following four statements: "I would rather receive my sports news from a male than a female", "I would like to see more females covering sporting events", "Females should not cover male sporting events", and "Males should not cover female sporting events."

The sample that was used for this study may not represent the opinion of the general public. The sample was not randomly selected, but rather chosen for convenience. Also, the respondents were selected from communications courses which may have an effect on the way they view the status of women in sports journalism. Perhaps, those without a communications background would hold a different opinion of women in sports journalism.

METHODOLOGY

To answer the four research questions, 15 surveys were distributed to sports reporters in radio, 15 surveys to sports reporters in television, and 15 surveys to sports reporters in broadcast television. The survey question for all three mediums was the same with the exception of Question One. The first question asked print reporters, “How long have you worked in print sports journalism?” for newspaper respondents. On the

radio survey, the first question asked respondents “How long have you worked in radio

journalism?” For television reporters, the survey asked, “How long have you worked in television reporting?”

Due to the fact that some radio stations, television stations, and newspaper organizations have multiple reporters covering sports, as many as five surveys were

distributed to some larger organizations. Multiple survey responses came from different reporters in the same sports reporting organization.

Surveys were distributed to television stations, radio stations, and newspaper organizations in Arkansas, Tennessee, and Texas. Surveys were distributed to respondents by the United States Postal Service, e-mail, or personally delivered.

Research Question I dealt with the use of the Internet as a source of information in the performance of sports reporter’s job duties. One question required the respondent to rank use of the Internet for sports information in the performance of job duties compared with other sources of information. Another question asked respondents if they used the Internet for entertainment, education, or work-related purposes.

Research Question II dealt with the use of the Internet as a source for story ideas. Respondents were asked to rank the Internet as a source for story ideas compared to other story idea sources. The survey also included Likert Scale statements that determined the use of the Internet by sports reporters for story ideas.

Research Question III dealt with sports reporters actively participating in Internet message boards created by sports fans. Active participation is defined as reading posts

Sports Reporting 17

on message boards and/or originating messages or responding to messages on sports fan created Internet message boards.

Research Question IV dealt with sports reporters actively participating in Internet chat rooms created by sports fans. Active participation is defined as reading posts in chat rooms and/or originating messages or responding to chat in sports fan created Internet chat rooms.

Research Question V dealt with the comparison of use of the Internet by sports reporters in radio, television, and print. The question is intended to determine if one medium uses the Internet as a source of sports information more than another medium. The question is also intended to determine if one medium more than another medium uses sports fan message boards or sports fan chat rooms as a source of story ideas.

Limitations

The findings in this study were limited by several factors. First, only 16 of the 45 surveys distributed were returned. Print media returned 10 surveys, radio reporters returned four surveys, and television reporters returned two surveys. The majority of surveys distributed to print reporters were done personally. This could explain the larger number of responses compare to other media. While some surveys were distributed to television and radio reporters personally, other surveys were mailed through the United States Postal Service. More responses are needed to measure Internet use by sports reporters in the traditional media.

It is unclear if the survey respondent understood the definitions of message boards and chat rooms. People often hear terms associated with the Internet but do not clearly

understand the definitions. It is possible that the survey participants based their responses out of ignorance of terms related to message boards and chat rooms. One television survey respondent included a message that said that message boards and chat rooms only included recycled wire copy.

There appears to be a mistrust of Internet websites, especially those sites that rely on fan input as the primary content source. It is possible that sports reporters from

traditional media outlets will not admit using fan website as a source of information or story ideas.

Another drawback is that there are limited studies that reference sports reporting. Most of the literature refers to news reporting and journalism. Therefore, the same journalistic standards applied to news reporting were applied to sports reporting for the purpose of this study.

Finally, the sudden and rapid growth of the Internet in the sports information arena creates an interesting yet confusing opportunity for research. Websites constructed and maintained by fans are relatively new sources of sports information. Privately, some